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April 30, 2008

Justice Delayed Is Justice Denied

By now, most folks have been handed a form at their doctor’s office asking that they sign a statement that the privacy policies of the office and the rights of the patient have been explained to them. This is required by the federal law known as HIPPA, see HIPPA – What It Means To You.

stack of records.jpgOne of the primary rights established by HIPPA is that all patients be able to access their own medical records, correct errors or omissions, and be informed how personal information is shared used. Yet this right is effectively being side-stepped by many medical facilities when there is reason to anticipate a medical malpractice lawsuit.

In 2001, Sandee Pingatore was determined to find out why her son, Troy, 29, had died in a California hospital while being treated for a drug overdose just hours after she had been told he was stable. But Pingatore was unable to get the hospital to produce a key medical record showing his blood pressure in his final hours. When the record was finally provided last year — too late under state law for Pingatore to file a malpractice claim — it indicated Troy had been in mortal danger for several hours without adequate care.

California's deadline for any civil action against the hospital expired three years after Troy's death. Pingatore didn't get the records she sought from the hospital until October 2007 after USA TODAY sought them on her behalf. The blood pressure printout shows her son had been left in shock with a median blood pressure of 53/31 for five hours before he died.

Even when records are provided, they sometimes are obscured, a practice called "wrecking" a medical chart. Pages are too dark or too light to read, signature lines are below the bottom of the copy or records appear to be stacked in completely random order.

In 2006, another California woman, Beth Stover, ran into difficulties when she tried to get medical records to help her understand why her full-term baby had died in her womb. She requested her records, which were provided – except for the strip-paper readout from a fetal monitoring device.

These cases illustrate a common complaint nationwide by patients and their families: It can be difficult, effectively impossible, to obtain medical records from hospitals and other treatment facilities after questionable care.

Even though under federal law, every patient or a designated representative has the right to see and copy the patient's medical records, missing or disputed records are the most common source of complaints on USA TODAY's Patient Safety website which was created in 2006 to give readers a venue to express concerns about inadequate medical care.

Although there are no statistics on such cases, disputes over medical records often are at the crux of malpractice lawsuits. Such claims often center on records that patients or their families, such as Pingatore and Stover, believe were purposely withheld by hospitals.

The best way to avoid a problem with medical records, health specialists say, is for patients to routinely ask for copies of all documents pertaining to their care.
When records appear to be incomplete, the patient and their family or other advocates can turn to the Office of Civil Rights at the Department of Health and Human Services.

April 22, 2008

Getting Nailed

The air-powered nail gun has become a mainstay at construction sites across the nation. As the tool's popularity surged during the building boom of the 2000s, nail gun injuries also took off despite decades of warnings from researchers and doctors that the guns are dangerous, especially those equipped with a mechanism that allowed automatic firing, in “contact trip” mode.

carpenter.jpgDriven by compressed air, nail guns can blast 30 nails a minute that travel up to 490 feet per second, qualifying the nails as low-velocity missiles. In contact trip mode, with one pull of the trigger, they fire those missiles whenever the muzzle makes contact with a surface – including heads, hands, eyes and even chests.

Yet the tool's hazards have been largely ignored by regulatory agencies. Novice construction workers and journeymen carpenters, home do-it-yourselfers and even innocent passers-by are among those being shot.

A comprehensive national estimate found that 42,000 people with nail gun injuries – more than 100 a day – show up at U.S. hospital emergency departments annually. Others are treated at clinics or at home.

Treating the wounds costs the United States at least $338 million a year in emergency medical care, rehabilitation and workers' compensation, according to a Consumer Product Safety Commission estimate. That's 10 times the cost of treating jigsaw, power sander or band saw injuries, and double that for handsaws.

Injury victims and their relatives accuse manufacturers of sacrificing safety to boost the sale of the guns and the nails that go with them, which load into magazines or in coils. The faster the tool, the greater its appeal – and the more nails it uses.

Emergency room physicians, forensic engineers, attorneys and occupational safety researchers believe that a majority of nail gun injuries could be prevented by limiting the guns to a one-at-a-time sequential firing system.

Following repeated calls for safer firing mechanisms and millions of dollars in legal payouts to injury victims, the nail gun industry in 2003 started to make semiautomatic guns that require users to pull the trigger each time they fire.

The industry group also agreed to ask manufacturers that sell the larger framing guns to ship them with an even safer system, which shoots a nail only when the muzzle is placed on a target and the trigger is pulled – in that sequence – known as a sequential mode.

Yet many manufacturers continue to ship those guns with a kit to convert them back to the more dangerous contact mode. In addition, some companies have ignored ISANTA's voluntary standard, continuing to ship only the contact trip systems.

In 1988, Eugene Doran, 40, of Andover, Md., became a quadriplegic while getting a haircut. A carpenter in a neighboring store had fired a 3-inch nail through a wall, severing Doran's spine. Doran received a settlement of $15.35 million from the nail gun manufacturers Amca International Inc. and Desa Industries Inc., the company that had rented the carpenter the gun, and its franchisee.

In December a Connecticut jury awarded a $3.4 million verdict against nail gun manufacturer Stanley Bostitch Inc. on behalf of a man partially paralyzed after being shot in the head with a nail that had bounced off metal after being fired by a contact trip gun.

In an April 2007 report for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Lipscomb estimated that nail gun injuries seen by hospital emergency departments had increased more than threefold in a decade, from about 12,000 in 1995 to about 42,000 in 2005. Looking at just the nonprofessionals in that group, the trend was similar, with emergency room visits rising from 4,200 in 1991 to 14,800 in 2005. Since then, annual sales of nail guns and other pneumatic tools to nonprofessionals have exploded, hitting $1.3 billion in 2006, up from $850 million in 2001.

In Colorado, two recent incidents involved nail guns were reported by local media. Last December, a man was arrested after shooting self with nail gun, facing attempted murder and domestic violence charges after he shot himself while allegedly demonstrating how he was going to kill his companion. This past summer, a young mother, carrying her 3-month-old infant in her arms, visited a construction site Wednesday only to have a nail ricochets into infant's head.

April 14, 2008

Buying Justice

For 40 years, an incumbent Wisconsin Supreme Court justice never lost an election—not, that is, until this month, when a business-backed circuit judge narrowly defeated the first African-American to serve on the state's highest court.

But the victory of Michael Gableman over Louis Butler was stands out because the race came with such cost, partisanship, and confrontation—hardball trends that are expected to appear in judicial races nationwide. At an estimated $5 million, the cost of the Wisconsin race set records, and its campaign ads—largely sponsored by outside groups—were so negative and in some cases so misleading that they were criticized by a state watchdog group. One of Gableman's ads falsely implied that Butler had gotten out of jail a convicted rapist who then committed a second sexual assault. (In fact, the second assault occurred after the man served his full sentence.) Another ad by the pro-Butler teachers union accused Gableman of sentencing child sex offenders far below the maximum, but it used the example of an offender who received a higher sentence than the one the prosecutor recommended.

moneybarrel.jpgThe tactics in the Wisconsin race illustrate a shift in judicial elections nationwide. There are nearly 40 other state Supreme Court races ahead this year, some of which are already gaining attention—particularly in states where the outcome could tilt the political balance of the court. The Mississippi high court has four seats up for election; Washington has three; and in West Virginia, where half of the five-member Supreme Court has come under scrutiny over connections to a top businessman and campaign contributor, two seats are contested.

Though costly and contested judicial elections have long been common in states like Ohio and Illinois, the battleground has now spread to places more commonly known for more civil judicial politics. The change is in large part driven by the growth of tort reform in state electoral politics. Often state courts have the final say in tort reform laws, so both business and plaintiffs' lawyers are now putting more money into supporting friendly judicial candidates. Fueling the contests is a 2002 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that held that Minnesota's rule barring judicial candidates from discussing political issues violated their First Amendment rights. Judicial candidates were now free to take political stances on hot-button topics like abortion and civil rights.

Indeed, the median amount raised in judicial campaigns in 2006 was $243,910, up from $201,623 six years before. In 2006, five of the 10 states with private financing set spending records, including Alabama, which raised $13.4 million in five state Supreme Court races, according to the Brennan Center for Justice. Outside groups have added to these amounts, spending 2½ times more on television ads in the 2004 and 2006 cycles than in the previous two. And increasingly, this money is coming from the business community, which represented 44 percent of all campaign money—twice the percentage of donations from lawyers, according to the Brennan Center.

It's not only judicial elections that are coming under scrutiny this year. In a handful of states, merit-based selection panels are facing questions of political manipulation and attracting the interest of groups like the Federalist Society. Under the merit system, various panels, composed of governors' appointees and lawyers, usually appointed by the state bar, nominate candidates for appointment by the governor. Colorado state judges are selected through merit selection, a process developed to remove judges from political activity such as holding political office, making or receiving campaign contributions, endorsing political
candidates and participating in political campaigns. Colorado is divided into 22 judicial districts comprised of from one to seven counties. Every judicial district has a Judicial Nominating Committee and Commission on Judicial Performance. One Judicial Disciplinary Commission serves the entire state.

But that doesn’t mean the state judges are immune from political strife. In 2006, an attempt to limit the term of appellate court judges failed. Another example is the ongoing effort being mounted by Coloradan Rick Stanley. Stanley and others from the “Liberty Initiatives Group” are proposing a ballot initiative for 2008, the “Colorado Judicial Accountability Act.” The act would amend the Colorado Constitution and impose “personal liability” on judges, limit indemnification of judges for damages they would be liable for, and remove judges from office after three instances of misconduct.

April 4, 2008

Wheels of Justice Move Very Slowly

Pacific Gas & Electric Co. will pay $20 million to settle the last in a series of lawsuits that claimed it was responsible for poisoning water in the Mojave Desert town of Hinkley, as depicted in the movie "Erin Brockovich."

pollutionriver.jpgThe settlement was agreed to last week in Los Angeles, resolving claims that 104 people were exposed to water that contained chromium 6, a possible carcinogen. The settlement was the last involving a series of suits that claimed PG&E contamination sickened hundreds of people in Kings, Riverside and San Bernardino counties from the 1950s through the mid-1980s.

The 2000 movie "Erin Brockovich" was based up the1996 case that ended with a $333 million settlement on behalf of more than 600 Hinkley residents. Since then, PG&E agreed to pay $295 million to settle other lawsuits involving about 1,100 people. The final lawsuit was filed about seven years ago.

PG&E spokesman Jon Tremayne said the settlement ends the last remaining lawsuit against the company over chromium pollution in the region. The chemical was dumped into unlined ponds in the 1950s, when, the company asserts, no one knew of the potential danger.

"Clearly, what happened in Hinkley should not have happened and we're sorry that it did," Tremayne said Thursday. "It's not the way we do business and it wouldn't happen in our company today."


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